The presence of cholera during the winter, even if less
severe, roused the Board of Health from its slumber, but the resulting
implementation was half-hearted. Administrative resistance combined with
the public's fear of proximity to the sick stymied the establishment of
cholera hospitals. Only after the epidemic exploded in the spring was
the city able to open hospitals in four public schools, despite protests
that the buildings would forever be ruined and their future pupils tainted.
But these hospitals were so poorly equipped and administered that cholera
victims fought to avoid them, viewing time spent there as a virtual death
sentence.
Dealing with the city's filth proved as great a problem as dealing with
its sick. As the city thawed, the streets remained strewn with garbage.
Political patronage rather than competence historically determined who
aldermen hired to clean the streets; oversight of this work was minimal.
Throughout the 1840s, the most reliable pickup crews had been the thousands
of scavenging pigs that roamed the city. The pigs also contributed to
the mess, however, and beginning in 1849 city reformers established a
program to drive swine from the city (much to the chagrin of the laborers
who slaughtered them for cheap meat). Although the Board of Health possessed
the statutory power to compel aldermen to ensure the streets were cleaned,
they didn't act, leading the local press to charge city leaders with criminal
neglect. When the streets finally were cleaned by often unscrupulous private
contractors, the task was done inefficiently: piles of filth remained
on street corners for days before finally being removed for dumping into
the rivers. Just as ineffective were the city's efforts to deal with the
dead, many of whom were dumped into trenches on the northern outskirts
of the city or doubled up in plots in local church cemeteries.
The Board of Health published updates on the progress
of cholera, which only served to publicly record its own weakness. It
was seemingly less active in 1849 than it had been during the earlier
epidemic, suggesting that public health policy had failed to adapt to
the city's growth. New York was now larger and dirtier, while corruption
in the city's government was more widespread. Such a crisis seemed to
call for increased governmental intervention in a time of crisis, but
New Yorkers got the opposite from their city government.
By the time cholera had run its course in 1849, it had
killed 5,071 New Yorkers. Forty percent of the dead were Irish immigrants.
Cholera was a constant presence in the city through 1854, when the disease
again reached epidemic proportions, killing 2,509. It then disappeared
for a dozen years.
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